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The  I.  W.  W 

Its  History,  Structure  and 
Methods 

*‘fc“ 


By  Vincent  St.  John 


Price 

Five 

Cents 


Press  of  the 

I.  W.  W.  Publishing  Bureau 
Cleveland 


Structure  of  the  I.iW.  W. 


LOCAL  INDUSTRIAL  UNIONS 


I 


A o 


3^1,^ 

S ou  2,  t 


THE  I.  W.  W. 

A BRIEF  HISTORY 

111  the  fall  of  1901  six  active  workers  in  the  revolu- 
tionary labor  movement  held  a conference.  After 
exchanging  views  and  discussing  the  conditions  then 
confronting  the  workers  of  the  United  States,  they 
decided  to  issue  a call  for  a larger  gathering. 

These  six  workers  were  Isaac  Cowen,  American 
representative  of  the  Amalgamated  Society  of  Engineers 
of  Great  Britain,  Clarence  Smith,  general  secretary- 
treasurer  of  the  American  Labor  Union,  Thomas  J. 
Hagerty,  editor  of  the  “Voice  of  Labor,”  official  organ 
ot  the  A.  L.  U.,  George  Estes,  president  of  the  United 
Brotherhood  ot  Railway  Employes,  W.  L.  Hall,  general 
secretary-treasurer  U.  B.  R.  E.,and  Wm.  E.  Trautmann, 
editor  of  the  “Brauer  Zeitung”  the  official  organ  of  the 
United  Brewery  Workers  of  America. 

Invitations  were  then  sent  out  to  thirty-six  addition- 
al individuals  who  were  active  in  the  radical  labor 
organizations  and  the  socialist  political  movement  of  the 
United  States  inviting  them  to  meet  in  secret  conference 
in  Chicago,  Illinois,  January  2,  1905. 

Of  the  thirty-six  who  received  the  invitation,  but 
two  declined  to  attend  the  proposed  conference — Max  S. 
Hayes  and  Victor  Berger  - both  of  whom  were  in  editorial 
charge  of  socialist  political  party  and  trade  union  organs. 

The  conference  met  at  the  appointed  time  with  thirty 
present,  and  drew  up  the  Industrial  Union  Manifesto 
calling  for  a convention  to  be  held  in  Chicago,  June  27  r 
1905,  for  the  purpose  of  launching  an  organization  in 


4 


THE  W.  W. 


accord  with  the  principles  set  forth  in  the  Manifesto. 

The  work  of  circulating  the  Manifesto  was  handled 
by  an  executive  committee  of  the  conference,  the  Ameri- 
can Labor  Union  and  the  Western  Federation  of  Miners. 

The  Manifesto  was  widely  circulated  in  several 
languages. 

On  the  date  set  the  convention  assembled  with  186 
delegates  present  from  84  state,  district,  national  and 
local  organizations  representing  about  90,000  members. 

All  who  were  present  as  delegates  were  not  there  in 
good  faith.  Knowledge  of  this  fact  caused  the  signers 
of  the  Manifesto  to  constitute  themselves  a temporary 
committee  on  credentials. 

This  temporary  credentials  committee  ruled  that 
representation  for  organizations  would  be  based  upon  the 
number  of  members  in  their  respective  organizations  only 
where  such  delegates  were  empowered  by  their  organiza- 
tions to  install  said  organizations  as  integral  parts  of  the 
Industrial  Union  when  formed.  Where  not  so  empow- 
ered delegates  would  only  be  allowed  one  vote. 

One  of  the  delegations  present  was  from  the  Illinois 
State  District  of  the  United  Mine  Workers  of  Americi. 
The  membership  of  that  district  at  that  time  was  in  the 
neighborhood  of  50,000.  Under  the  above  rule  these 
delegates  were  seated  with  one  vote  each.  This  brings 
the  number  of  members  represented  down  to  40,000. 

Several  other  organizations  that  had  delegates 
present,  existed  mainly  on  paper;  so  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  40,000  is  a good  estimate  of  the  number  of  workers 
represented  in  the  first  convention. 

The  foregoing  figures  will  show  that  the  precautions 
adopted  by  the  signers  of  the  Manifesto  were  all  that 
prevented  the  opponents  of  the  industrial  union  movement 
from  capturing  the  convention  and  blocking  any  effort  to 
start  the  organization.  It  is  a fact  Uhat  many  ot  those 
who  were  present  as  delegates  on  the  floor  of  the  first 
convention  and  the  organizations  that  they  represented 
have  bitterly  fought  the  I.  W.  W.  from  the  close  of  the 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  5 

first  convention  up  to  the  present  day. 

The  organizations  that  installed  as  a part  of  the  new 
organization  were:  Western  Federation  of  Miners, 
27,000  members ; Socialist  Trade  and  Labor  Alliance,* 
1 ,450  members ; Punch  Press  Operators,  168  members; 
United  Metal  Workers*,  8,000  members;  Longshore- 
men’s Union,  400  members  ; the  American  Labor  Union*, 
16,500  members;  United  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Em- 
ployes, 2,087  members. 

The  convention  lasted  twelve  days;  adopted  a con- 
stitution with  the  following  preamble,  and  elected  officers  : 

ORIGINAL  I.  W.  W.  PREAMBLE 

“The  working  class  and  the  employing  class  have 
nothing  in  common.  There  can  be  no  peace  so  long  as 
hunger  and  want  are  found  among  millions  of  working 
people  and  the  few,  who  make  up  the  employing  class, 
have  all  the  good  things  of  life. 

‘Between  these  two  classes  a struggle  must  go  on 
until  all  the  toilers  come  together  on  the  political,  as 
well  as  on  the  industrial  field,  and  take  and  hold  that 
which  they  produce  by  their  labor  through  an  economic 
organization  of  the  working  class,  without  affiliation  with 
any  political  party. 

The  rapid  gathering  of  wealth  and  the  centering 
of  the  management  of  industries  into  fewer  and  fewer 
hands  make  the  trade  unions  unable  to  cope  with  the 
ever-growing  power  of  the  employing  class,  because  the 
trade  unions  foster  a state  of  things  which  allows  one 
set  of  workers  to  be  pitted  against  another  set  of  workers 
in  the  same  industry,  thereby  helping  defeat  one  another 
in  wage  wars.  The  trade  unions  aid  the  employing 
class  to  mislead  the  workers  into  the  belief  that  the 
working  class  have  interests  in  common  with  their 
employers. 

These  sad  conditions  can  be  changed  and  the  in- 

* Existed  almost  wholly  on  paper. 


6 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


terests  of  the  working  class  upheld  only  by  an  organisa- 
tion formed  in  such  a way  that  ail  its  members  in  any 
one  industry,  or  in  all  industries,  if  necessary,  cease 
work  whenever  a strike  or  lockout  is  on  in  any  depart- 
ment thereof,  thus  making  an  injury  to  one  an  iniurv 
to  all.”  * 

All  kinds  and  shades  of  theories  and  programs  were 
represented  among  the  delegates  and  individuals  present 
at  the  first  convention.  The  principal  ones  in  evidence, 
however,  were  four:  Parliamentary  socialists— two 

types  — impossibilist  and  opportunist,  Marxian  and  reform- 
ist; anarchist ; industrial  unionist;  and  the  labor  union 
fakir.  The  task  of  combining  these  conflicting  elements 
was  attempted  by  the  convention.  A knowledge  of  this 
task  makes  it  easier  to  understand  the  seeming  contra- 
dictions in  the  original  Preamble. 

The  first  year  of  the  organization  was  one  of  internal 
struggle  for  control  by  these  different  elements.  The 
two  camps  of  socialist  politicians  looked  upon  the 
I.  W.  W.  only  as  a battle  ground  upon  which  to  settle 
their  respective  merits  and  demerits.  The  labor  fakirs 
strove  to  fasten  themselves  upon  the  organization  that 
they  might  continue  to  exist  if  the  new"  union  was  a 
success.  The  anarchist  element  did  not  interfere  to  any 
great  extent  in  the  internal  affairs.  Only  one  instance 
is  known  to  the  writer:  that  of  New  York  City  where 
they  were  in  alliance  with  one  set  of  politicians,  for  the 
^purpose  of  controlling  the  district  council. 

In  spite  of  these  and  other  obstacles  the  new  organi- 
zation made  some  progress ; fought  a few  successful 
battles  with  the  employing  class,  and  started  publishing 
a monthly  organ,  “The  Industrial  Worker.”  The 
I.  W.  W.  also  issued  the  first  call  for  the  defense  of 
Moyer,  Haywood  and  Pettibone  under  the  title,  “Shall 
our  Brothers  be  Murdered?”  ; formed  the  defense  league; 
and  it  is  due  to  the  interest  awakened  by  the  I.  W.  W. 
that  other  organizations  were  enlisted  in  the  fight  to  save 
the  lives  of  the  officials  of  the  W.  F.  M.  which  finally 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  7 

resulted  in  their  liberation.  Thus  the  efforts  of  the 
W.  F.  M.  in  starting  the  I.  W.  W.  were  repaid*. 

SECOND  CONVENTION 

The  Second  convention  met  in  September  1906, 
with  93  delegates  representing  about  60,000  members. 

This  convention  demonstrated  that  the  adminstration 
of  the  I.  W.  W.  was  in  the  hands  of  men  who  were  not 
in  accord  with  the  revolutionary  program  of  the  organiza- 
tion. Of  the  general  officers  only  two  were  sincere — the 
General  Secretary,  W.  E.  Trautmann,  and  one  member 
of  the  Executive  Board,  John  Riordan. 

The  struggle  for  control  of  the  organization  formed 
the  Second  convention  into  two  camps.  The  majority 
vote  of  the  convention  was  in  the  revolutionary  camp, 
The  reactionary  camp  having  the  chairman  used  obstruct- 
ive tactics  in  their  effort  to  gain  control  of  the  conven- 
tion. They  hoped  thereby  to  delay  the  convention  until 
enough  delegates  would  be  forced  to  return  home  and 
thus  change  the  control  of  the  convention.  The  revolu- 
tionists cut  this  knot  by  abolishing  the  office  of  President 
and  electing  a chairman  from  among  the  revolutionists. 

In  this  struggle  the  two  contending  sets  of  socialist 
politicians  lined  up  in  opposite  camps. 

The  Second  convention  amended  the  Preamble  by 
adding  the  following  clause : 

Therefore  without  endorsing  or  desiring  the  en- 
dorsement of  any  political  party.” 

A new  executive  board  was  elected.  On  the  ad- 
journment of  the  convention  the  old  officials  seized  the 
general  headquarters,  and  with  the  aid  of  detectives  and 
police  held  the  same,  compelling  the  revolutionists  to 
open  up  new  offices.  This  they  were  enabled  to  do  in 

* Berger  in  the  “Social  Democratic  Herald”  of 
Milwaukee  denied  that  the  Moyer,  Haywood  and  Petti- 
bone  case  was  a part  of  the  class  struggle.  It  was  but  a 
border  feud,”  said  he. 


8 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


spite  of  the  fact  that  they  were  without  access  to  the 
funds  of  the  organization,  and  had  to  depend  on  getting 
finances  from  the  locals. 

The  W.  F.  M.  officials  supported  the  old  officials  of 
the  I.  W.  W.  for  a time  financially  and  with  the  influence 
of  their  official  organ.  The  same  is  true  of  the  Socialist 
Party  press  and  administration.  The  radical  element  in 
the  W.  F.  M.  were  finally  able  to  force  the  officials  to 
withdraw  that  support.  The  old  officials  of  the  I.  W.  W. 
then  gave  up  all  pretence  of  having  an  organization. 

The  organization  entered  its  second  year  facing  a 
more  severe  struggle  than  in  its  first  year.  It  succeeded, 
however,  in  establishing  the  general  headquarters  again, 
and  in  issuing  a weekly  publication  in  place  of  the 
monthly,  seized  by  the  old  officials. 

During  the  second  year  some  hard  struggles  for 
better  conditions  were  waged  by  the  members. 

The  Third  convention  of  the  I.  W.  W.  was  un- 
eventful. But  it  was  at  this  convention  that  it  became 
evident  that  the  socialist  politicians  who  had  remained 
with  the  organization  were  trying  to  bend  the  I.  W.  W. 
to  their  purposes  ; and  a slight  effort  was  made  to  relegate 
the  politician  to  the  rear. 

The  Fourth  convention  resulted  in  a rupture  between 
the  politicians  and  industrial  unionists  because  the  former 
were  not  allowed  to  control  the  organization. 

The  Preamble  was  amended  as  follows  : 

I.  W.  W.  PREAMBLE 

The  working  class  and  the  employing  class  have 
nothing  in  common.  There  can  be  no  peace  so  long 
as  hunger  and  want  are  found  among  millions  of 
working  people  and  the  few,  who  make  up  the  em- 
ploying class,  have  all  the  good  things  of  life. 

Between  these  two  classes  a struggle  must  go  on 
until  the  workers  of  the  world  organize  as  a class, 
take  possession  of  the  earth  and  the  machinery  of 
production,  and  abolish  the  wage  system. 


HTSTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  9 

We  find  that  the  centering  of  the  management 
of  industries  into  fewer  and  fewer  hands  makes  the 
trade  unions  unable  to  cope  with  the  ever-growing 
power  of  the  employing  class.  The  trade  unions 
foster  a state  of  affairs  which  allows  one  set  of  work- 
ers to  be  pitted  against  another  set  of  workers  in  the 
same  industry,  thereby  helping  to  defeat  one  another 
in  wage  wars.  Moreover,  the  trade  unions  aid  the 
employing  class  to  mislead  the  workers  into  the 
belief  that  the  working  class  have  interests  in  com- 
mon with  their  employers. 

These  conditions  can  be  changed  and  the  inter- 
est of  the  working  class  upheld  only  by  an  organiza- 
tion formed  in  such  a way  that  all  its  members  in  any 
one  industry,  or  in  all  industries,  if  necessary,  cease 
work  whenever  a strike  or  lockout  is  on  in  any  de- 
partment thereof,  thus  making  an  injury  to  one  an 
injury  to  all. 

Instead  of  the  conservative  motto,  “A  fair  day's 
wages  for  a fair  day's  work,"  we  must  inscribe  on 
our  banner  the  revolutionary  watchword,  “Abolition 
of  the  wage  system.” 

It  is  the  historic  mission  of  the  working  class  to 
do  away  with  capitalism.  The  army  of  production 
must  be  organized,  not  only  for  the  every-dav  struggle 
with  the  capitalists,  but  also  to  carry  on  production 
when  capitalism  shall  have  been  overthrown.  By 
organizing  industrially  we  are  forming  the  structure 
of  the  new  society  within  the  shell  of  the  old. 

The  politicians  attempted  to  set  up  another  organi- 
zation claiming  to  be  the  real  industrial  movement.  It 
is  nothing  but  a duplicate  of  their  political  party  and 
never  functions  as  a labor  organization.  It  is  committed 
to  a program  of  the  ‘civilized  plane,”  i.  e.,  parliamen- 
tarism. Its  publications  are  the  official  organs  of  a poli- 
tical sect  that  never  misses  an  opportunity  to  assail  the 
revolutionary  workers  while  they  are  engaged  in  combat 
with  some  division  of  the  ruling  class.  Their  favorite 


10 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


method  is  to  charge  the  revolutionists  uith  all  the  crimes 
that  a cowardly  imagination  can  conjure  into  being. 
“Dynamiters,  assassins,  thugs,  murderers,  thieves,” 
etc.,  are  stock  ph  rases. 

Following  the  victory  of  the  Lawrence  Textile 
workers  the  S.  L.  P.  politicians  renewed  their  efforts  to 
pose  as  the  I.  W.  W. 

By  representing  that  they  were  the  I.  W.  W.  and 
THE  ONLY  I.  W.  W.  they  were  enabled  to  deceive 
several  thousand  textile  workers  in  Paterson,  Passaic, 
Hackensack,  Stirling,  Summit,  Hoboken,  Newark,  New 
Jersey;  and  Astoria,  Long  Island,  and  collect  from  them 
initiation  fees  and  dues. 

In  everv  instance  these  political  fakers  betrayed  the 
workers  into  the  hands  of  the  mill  owners,  and  the 
efforts  of  the  workers  to  better  their  conditions  resulted 
in  defeat.  At  Paterson  and  Passaic  the  S.  L.  P.  enter- 
ed into  an  alliance  with  the  police  to  prevent  the  orga- 
nizers of  the  I.  W.  W.  from  exposing  them  to  the 
workers. 

Their  own  actions  however  resulted  in  exposing 
them  to  the  workers  in  their  true  colors  and  today  they 
are  thoroughly  discredited  with  the  workers  throughout 
that  district. 

For  a time  the  other  wing  of  the  political  movement 
contented  itself  with  spreading  its  venom  in  secret. 
Since  the  conclusion  of  the  Lawrence  strike  the  publi- 
cations of  the  Socialist  Party  (with  a very  few  excep- 
tions) have  never  failed  to  use  their  columns  to  misrep- 
resent and  slander  the  organization  and  its  active  mem- 
bership. Their  attacks  have  extended  to  members  of 
their  own  party  who  happened  to  be  active  members  or 
supporters  of  the  I.  W.  W. 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS 


11 


Structure  of  the  I.  W.  W. 


Basing  its  conclusions  upon  the  experience  of  the 
past  the  I.  W.  W holds  that  it  is  essential  to  have  the 
form  and  structure  of  the  organization  conform  to  the 
development  of  the  machinery  of  production  and  the 
process  of  concentration  going  on  in  industry  in  order  to 
facilitate  the  growth  of  solidarity  on  class  lines  among 
the  workers.  Unless  the  structure  of  the  organization 
keeps  step  with  the  development  of  industry  it  will  be 
impossible  to  secure  the  solidarity  so  necessary  to  success 
in  the  struggles  with  the  employing  class. 

Out  of  date  forms  of  organization  with  their  corres- 
ponding obsolete  methods  and  rules  will  have  to  be 
broken  down.  To  do  this  in  time  of  a struggle  means 
confusion  and  chaos  that  result  in  defeat. 

The  I.  W.  W.  holds,  that,  regardless  of  the  bravery 
and  spirit  the  workers  may  show,  if  they  are  compelled 
to  fight  with  old  methods  and  an  out  of  date  form  of 
organization  against  the  modern  organization  of  the  em- 
ploying class,  there  can  be  but  one  outcome  to  any 
struggle  waged  under  these  conditions — defeat. 

The  I.  W.  W.  recognizes  the  need  of  working  class 
solidarity.  To  achieve  this  it  proposes  the  recognition  of 
the  Class  Struggle  as  the  basic  principle  of  the  organiza- 
tion, and  declares  its  purpose  to  be  the  fighting  of  that 
struggle  until  the  working  class  is  in  control  of  the  ad- 
ministration of  industry. 

In  its  basic  principle  the  I.  W.  W.  calls  forth  that 
spirit  of  revolt  and  resistance  that  is  so  necessary  a part 
of  the  equipment  of  any  organization  of  the  workers  in 
their  struggle  for  economic  independence.  In  a word, 
its  basic  principle  makes  the  I.  W.  W.  a fighting  organic 
zation.  It  commits  the  union  to  an  unceasing  struggle 
against  the  private  ownership  and  control  of  industry. 

There  is  but  one  bargain  that  the  I.  W.  W.  will 


12 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


make  with  the  employing  class—  COMPLETE  SURREN- 
DER OF  ALL  CONTROL  OF  INDUSTRY  TO  THE 
ORGANIZED  WORKERS. 

The  experience  of  the  past  has  proven  the  mass  form 
of  organization,  such  as  that  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  to 
be  as  powerless  and  unwieldy  as  a mob. 

The  craft  form  of  union,  with  its  principle  of  trade 
autonomy,  and  harmony  of  interest  with  the  boss,  has 
also  been  proven  a failure.  It  has  not  furnished  an 
effective  weapon  to  the  working  class.  True,  it  has  been 
able  to  get  for  the  skilled  mechanics  improved  conditions ; 
but  due  to  the  narrow  structure  of  the  craft  organization, 
class  interest  has  long  since  been  lost  sight  of,  and  craft 
interest  alone  governs  the  actions  of  its  membership.  In 
the  last  analysis  the  craft  union  has  only  been  able  to 
get  advantages  for  its  membership  at  the  expense  of  the 
great  mass  of  the  working  class  : the  unskilled  workers, 
by  entering  into  a contract  with  the  employing  class  to 
stand  aloof  from  the  balance  of  the  working  class  in  its 
struggles.  They  have  become  allies  of  the  employers  to 
keep  in  subjection  the  vast  majority  of  the  workers. 
The  I.  W.  W.  denies  that  the  craft  union  movement  is  a 
labor  movement.  We  deny  that  it  can  or  will  become  a 
labor  movement. 

Today  in  the  United  States  in  all  of  the  basic  (large) 
industries,  whenever  any  portion  of  the  workers  strive 
for  better  conditions,  they  enter  into  a conflict  with  the 
employing  class  as  a whole.  The  expense  of  a strike  is 
borne  by  the  organized  employers  who  have  reached  the 
point  that,  regardless  of  what  competition  may  still  re- 
main, they  unite  to  keep  the  workers  in  subjection,  be- 
cause of  the  common  interest  all  have  in  securing  cheap 
labor  power. 

To  meet  this  condition  the  Industrial  Workers  of 
the  World  proposes : 

GENERAL  OUTLINE 

1.  The  unit  of  organization  is  the  Local  Industrial 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  13 

Union.  The  local  industrial  union  embraces  all  of  the 
workers  of  a given  industry  in  a given  city,  town  or 
district. 

2.  All  local  industrial  unions  of  the  same  industry 
are  combined  into  a National  Industrial  Union  with 
jurisdiction  over  the  entire  industry. 

3.  National  industrial  unions  of  closely  allied  in- 
dustries are  combined  into  Departmental  Organizations. 
For  example,  all  national  industrial  unions  engaged  in 
the  production  of  Food  Products  and  in  handling  them 
would  be  combined  into  the  Department  of  Food  Prod- 
ucts. Steam,  Air,  Water  and  Land  national  divisions  of 
the  Transportation  Industry,  form  the  Transportation 
Department. 

4.  The  industrial  Departments  are  combined  into 
the  General  Organization,  which  in  turn  is  to  be  an 
integral  part  of  a like  International  Organization ; and 
through  the  international  organization  establish  solidarity 
and  co-operation  between  the  workers  of  all  countries. 

COMPONENT  PARTS  OF  THE  ORGANIZATION 

Taking  into  consideration  the  technical  differences 
that  exist  within  the  different  departments  of  the  indus- 
tries, and  conditions  existing  where  large  numbers  of 
workers  are  employed,  the  local  industrial  union  is 
branched  whenever  necessary. 

1.  Language  branches,  so  that  the  workers  can 
conduct  the  affairs  of  the  organization  in  the  language 
they  are  most  familiar  with. 

2.  Shop  branches,  so  that  the  workers  of  each 
shop  control  the  conditions  that  directly  affect  them. 

3.  Department  branches  in  large  industries,  to 
simplify  and  systematize  the  business  of  the  organization. 

4.  District  branches,  to  enable  members  to  attend 
meetings  of  the  union  without  having  to  travel  too  great 
a distance.  These  branches  are  only  necessary  in  the 
large  cities  and  big  industries  where  the  industry  covers 
large  areas. 


14 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


5.  District  Councils,  in  order  that  every  given  in- 
dustrial district  shall  have  complete  industrial  solidarity 
among  the  workers  in  all  industries  of  such  district,  as 
well  as  among  the  workers  of  each  industry.  The  In- 
dustrial District  Council  combines  all  the  local  industrial 
unions  of  the  district.  Through  it  concerted  action  is 
maintained  in  the  district. 

FUNCTIONS  OF  THE  BRANCHES 

Branches  of  an  industrial  local  deal  with  the  employer 
ONLY  through  the  Industrial  Union.  Thus,  while  the 
workers  in  each  branch  determine  the  conditions  that  di- 
rectly affect  them,  they  act  in  concert  with  all  the  work- 
ers of  the  industry  through  the  local  industrial  union. 

As  the  knowledge  of  the  English  language  becomes 
more  general,  the  language  branches  will  disappear. 

The  development  of  machine  production  will  also 
gradually  eliminate  the  branches  based  on  technical 
knowledge,  or  skill. 

The  constant  development  and  concentration  of  the 
ownership  and  control  of  industry  will  be  met  by  a like 
concentration  of  the  number  of  industrial  unions  and 
industrial  departments.  It  is  meant  that  the  organiza- 
tion at  all  times  shall  conform  to  the  needs  of  the  hour 
and  eventually  furnish  the  medium  through  which  and  by 
which  the  organized  workers  will  be  able  to  determine 
the  amount  of  food,  clothing,  shelter,  education  and 
amusement  necessary  to  satisfy  the  wants  of  the  workers. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE  ORGANIZATIONS 

Local  unions  have  full  charge  of  all  their  local 
affairs;  elect  their  own  officers;  determine  their  pay;  and 
also  the  amount  of  dues  collected  by  the  local  from  the 
membership.  The  general  organization,  however,  does 
not  allow  any  local  to  charge  over  $1.00  per  month  dues 
or  $5.00  initiation  fee. 

Each  branch  of  a local  industrial  union  elects  a dele- 
gate or  delegates  to  the  central  committee  of  the  local 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  15 

industrial  union.  This  central  committee  is  the  admin- 
istrative body  of  the  local  industrial  union.  Officers  of 
the  branches  consist  of  secretary,  treasurer,  chairman 
and  trustees. 

Officers  of  the  local  industrial  union  consist  of  secre- 
tary and  treasurer,  chairman,  and  trustees. 

Each  local  industrial  union  within  a given  district 
elects  a delegate  or  delegates  to  the  district  council. 
The  district  council  has  as  officers  a secretary-treasurer 
and  trustees.  The  officers  of  the  district  council  are 
elected  by  the  delegates  thereof. 

All  officers  in  local  bodies  are  elected  by  referendum 
vote  of  all  the  membership  involved,  except  those  of  the 
district  council. 

Proportional  representation  does  not  prevail  in  the 
delegations  of  the  branches  and  to  district  councils. 
Each  branch  and  local  has  the  same  number  of  delegates. 
Each  delegate  casts  one  vote. 

National  industrial  unions  hold  annual  conventions. 
Delegates  from  each  local  of  the  national  union  cast  a 
vote  based  upon  the  membership  of  the  local  that  they 
represent. 

The  national  industrial  union  nominates  the  candi- 
dates for  officers  at  the  convention,  and  the  three  nomi- 
nees receiving  the  highest  votes  at  the  convention  are 
sent  to  all  the  membership  to  be  voted  upon  in  selecting 
the  officers. 

The  officers  of  the  national  unions  consist  of  secre- 
tary and  treasurer,  and  executive  board.  Each  national 
union  elects  delegates  to  the  department  to  which  it  be- 
longs. The  same  procedure  is  followed  in  electing 
delegates  as  in  electing  officers. 

Industrial  departments  hold  conventions  and  nomi- 
nate the  delegates  that  are  elected  to  the  general  con- 
vention. Delegates  to  the  general  convention  nominate 
candidates  for  the  officers  of  the  general  organization, 
which  are  a General  Secretary-Treasurer,  and  a General 
Organizer.  These  general  officers  are  elected  by  the 


16 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


vote  of  the  entire  organization. 

The  General  Executive  Board  is  composed  of  one 
member  from  each  Industrial  Department  and  is  selected 
by  the  membership  of  that  department 

General  conventions  are  held  annually  at  present. 
The  rule  in  determining  the  wages  of  the  officers  of 
all  parts  of  the  organization  is,  to  pay  the  officers  who 
are  needed  approximately  the  same  wages  they  would 
receive  when  employed  in  the  industry  in  which  they 
work.  The  wages  of  the  general  secretary  and  the 
general  organizer  are  each  $90.00  per  month. 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS 


17 


I.  W.  W.  Tactics  or  Methods 


As  a revolutionary  organization  the  Industrial  Work- 
ers of  the  World  aims  to  use  any  and  all  tactics  that  will 
get  the  results  sought  with  the  lrast  expenditure  of  time 
and  energy.  The  tactics  used  are  determined  solely  by 
the  power  of  the  organization  to  make  good  in  their  use. 
The  question  of  right”  and  wrong”  does  not  concern  us. 

No  terms  made  with  an  employer  are  final.  All 
peace  so  long  as  the  wage  system  lasts,  is  but  an  armed 
truce.  At  any  favorable  opportunity  the  struggle  for 
more  control  of  industry  is  renewed. 

As  the  organization  gains  control  in  the  industries, 
and  the  knowledge  among  the  workers  of  their  power, 
when  properly  applied  within  the  industries,  becomes 
more  general,  the  long  drawn  out  strike  will  become  a 
relic  of  the  past.  A long  drawn  out  strike  implies  in- 
sufficient organization  or  that  the  strike  has  occurred  at  a 
time  when  the  employer  can  best  afford  a shut  down — o>^r 
both.  Under  all  ordinary  circumstances  a strike  that  i*S 
not  won  in  four  to  six  weeks  cannot  be  won  by  remaining 
out  longer.  In  trustified  industry  the  employer  can 
better  afford  to  fight  one  strike  that  lasts  six  months  than 
he  can  six  strikes  that  take  place  in  that  period. 

No  part  of  the  organization  is  allowed  to  enter  into 
time  contracts  with  the  employers.  Where  strikes  are 
used,  it  aims  to  paralyze  all  branches  of  the  industry 
involved,  when  the  employers  can  least  afford  a cessation 
of  work — during  the  busy  season  and  when  there  are 
rush  orders  to  be  filled. 

The  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  maintains  that 
nothing  will  be  conceded  by  the  employers  except  that 
which  we  have  the  power  to  take  and  hold  by  the 


18 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


strength  of  our  organization.  Therefore  we  seek  no 
agreements  with  the  employers. 

Failing  to  force  concessions  from  the  employers  by 
the  strike,  work  is  resumed  and  sabotage”  is  used  to 
force  the  employers  to  concede  the  demands  of  the 
workers. 

The  great  progress  made  in  machine  production  re- 
sults in  an  ever  increasing  army  of  unemployed.  To 
counteract  this  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  aims 
to  establish  the  shorter  work  day,  and  to  slow  up  the 
working  pace,  thus  compelling  the  employment  of  more 
and  more  workers. 

To  facilitate  the  work  of  organization,  large  initia- 
tion fees  and  dues  are  prohibited  by  the  I.  W.  W.  * 

During  strikes  the  works  are  closely  picketed  and 
every  effort  made  to  keep  the  employers  from  getting 
workers  into  the  shops.  All  supplies  are  cut  off  from 
strike  bound  shops.  All  shipments  are  refused  or  mis- 
sent,  delayed  and  lost  if  possible.  Strike  breakers  are 
also  isolated  to  the  full  extent  of  the  power  of  the  organ- 
ization. Interference  by  the  government  is  resented  by 
open  violation  of  the  government’s  orders,  going  to  jail 
en  masse,  causing  expense  to  the  taxpayers — which  is 
but  another  name  for  the  employing  class. 

In  short,  the  I.  W.  W.  advocates  the  use  of  militant 
direct  action”  tactics  to  the  fuli  extent  of  our  power 
to  make  good. 


EDUCATION 

At  the  present  time  the  organization  has  six  publi- 
cations— 5 weekly  and  one  bi-weekly,  in  the  following 
languages : English  3,  Polish  1,  Spanish  1,  Hun- 
garian 1 . 


* Some  of  the  craft  unions  charge  from  $25.00  to 
$250.00.  One,  the  Green  Bottle  Blowers’  Union, 
charges  $1,000. 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  19 

The  general  organization  issues  leaflets  and  pamph- 
lets from  time  to  time  and  aims  to  build  up  and  extend 
educational  literature  in  all  languages  as  fast  as  the  re- 
sources of  the  organization  permit. 

Locals  hold  educational  meetings  in  halls  and  on  the 
streets  of  the  industrial  centers.  Reading  rooms  and 
halls  are  maintained  by  all  the  larger  locals.  Revolu- 
tionary literature  is  kept  on  file. 

Special  shop  meeting  are  held  in  efforts  to  organize 
certain  industries. 

STRUGGLES  OF  THE  I.  W.  W. 

In  1906  the  eight  hour  day  was  established  for 
hotel  and  restaurant  workers  in  Goldfield,  Nevada. 

In  the  same  year  sheet  metal  workers  lost  a strike  at 
Youngstown,  Ohio,  due  to  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor’s  filling  the  places  of  the  strikers. 

In  1907  textile  workers  of  Skowhegan,  Maine,  3,000 
strong,  struck  over  the  discharge  of  active  workers  in  the 
organization.  The  strike  lasted  four  weeks  and  resulted 
in  a complete  victory  for  the  strikers  with  improved  con- 
ditions. John  Golden,  president  of  the  United  Textile 
Workers,  A.  F.  of  L.,  attempted  to  break  this  strike  by 
furnishing  strike  breakers. 

In  Portland,  Oregon,  3,000  saw  mill  workers  were 
involved  in  a strike  for  a nine  hour  day  and  increase  of 
wages  from  $1.75  to  $2.50  per  day.  On  account  of  the 
exceptional  demand  for  labor  of  all  kinds  in  that  section 
at  that  time,  most  of  the  strikers  secured  employment 
elsewhere,  and  the  strike  played  out  at  the  end  of  about 
six  weeks.  The  saw  mill  companies  were  seriously 
crippled  for  months,  and  were  forced  indirectly  to  raise 
wages  and  improve  conditions  of  the  employes.  This 
strike  gave  much  impetus  to  I.  W.  W.  agitation  in  the 
western  part  of  the  United  States. 

In  Bridgeport,  Connecticut,  1,200  tube  mill  workers 
were  involved.  This  strike  was  lost  through  the  scabbing 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


20 


tactics  of  the  A.  F.  of  L. 

In  the  same  year  800  silk  mill  workers  engaged  in  a 
strike  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania.  This  strike  was  lost 
on  account  of  a shutdown  due  to  the  panic  of  1907  that 
occurred  shortly  after  the  the  strike  started. 

From  March  10,  1907  until  April  22,  the  W.  F.  M. 
and  the  I.  W.  W.  at  Goldfield,  Nevada,  fought  for  their 
existence  (and  the  conditions  that  they  had  established 
at  that  place)  against  the  combined  forces  of  the  mine 
owners,  business  men  and  A.  F.  of  L.  This  open  fight 
was  compromised  as  a result  of  the  treachery  of  the  W. 

F.  M.  general  officers.  The  fight  was  waged  intermit- 
tently Irom  April  22  till  September  1907  and  resulted  in 
regaining  all  ground  lost  through  the  compromise,  and 
in  destroying  the  scab  charter  issued  by  the  A.  F.  of  L. 
during  the  fight.  This  fight  cost  the  employers  over 
$100,000.  The  strike  of  the  W.  F.  M.  in  October  1907 
took  place  during  a panic  and  destroyed  the  organiza-  ? 
tion’s  control  in  that  district. 

Under  the  I.  W.  W.  sway  in  Goldfield,  the  mini- 
mum wage  for  all  kinds  of  labor  was  $4.50  per  day  and 
the  eight  hour  day  was  universal.  The  highest  point  of 
efficiency  for  any  labor  organization  was  reached  by  the 
I.  W.  W.  and  W.  F M.  in  Goldfield,  Nevada.  No 
committees  were  ever  sent  to  any  employers.  The  unions 
adopted  wage  scales  and  regulated  hours.  The  secretary 
posted  the  same  on  a bulletin  board  outside  of  the  union 
hall,  and  it  was  the  LAW.  The  employers  were  forced 
to  come  and  see  the  union’s  committees. 

Beginning  in  July  1909,  at  McKees  Rocks,  Pa., 
8,000  workers  of  the  Pressed  Steel  Car  Company,  em- 
bracing sixteen  different  nationalities,  waged  the  most 
important  struggle  that  the  I.  W.  W.  took  part  in  to 
that  date.  The  strike  lasted  eleven  weeks.  As  usual, 
the  employers  resorted  to  the  use  of  the  Pennsylvania 
State  Constabulary,  known  as  the  American  Cossacks,  to 
intimidate  the  strikers  and  browbeat  them  back  to  work. 
This  constabulary  is  a picked  body  of  armed  thugs  re- 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  21 

cruited  for  their  ability  to  handle  fire  arms.  Every  strike 
in  Pennsylvania  since  the  institution  of  the  constabulary 
has  been  broken  or  crippled  by  them.  Men,  women 
and  children  have  been  killed  and  brutally  maimed  by 
them  with  impunity.  Their  advent  upon  the  scene  in 
McKees  Rorks  was  marked  by  the  usual  campaign  of 
brutality.  Finally  one  of  the  cossacks  killed  a striker. 
The  strike  committee  then  served  notice  upon  the  com- 
mander of  the  cossacks  that  for  every  striker  killed  or 
injured  by  the  cossacks  the  life  of  a cossack  would  be 
exacted  in  return.  And  that  they  were  not  at  all  con- 
cerned as  to  which  cossack  paid  the  penalty,  but  that  a 
life  for  a life  would  be  exacted.  The  strikers  kept  their 
word.  On  the  next  assault  by  the  cossacks,  several  of 
the  constabulary  were  killed  and  a number  wounded. 
The  cossacks  were  driven  from  the  streets  and  into  the 
plants  of  the  company.  An  equal  number  of  strikers 
were  killed  and  about  50  wounded  in  the  battle.  This 
ended  the  killing  on  both  sides  during  the  remainder  of 
the  strike.  For  the  first  time  in  their  existence  the 
cossacks  were  6 tamed.”  The  McKees  Rocks  strike  re- 
sulted in  a complete  victory  for  the  strikers. 

On  November  2,  1909,  the  city  government  at 
Spokane,  Wash.,  started  to  arrest  the  speakers  of  the 
I.  W.  W.  ior  holding  street  meetings.  The  locals  at 
that  point  decided  to  fight  the  city  and  force  it  to 
allow  the  organization  to  hold  street  meetings.  The 
fight  lasted  up  to  the  first  of  March  following,  and  re- 
sulted in  compelling  the  city  to  pass  a law  allowing  street 
speaking.  Over  500  men  and  women  went  to  jail  dur- 
ing the  free  speech  fight.  Two  hundred  went  on  a hun- 
ger strike  that  lasted  from  11  to  13  days,  and  then  went 
from  30  to  45  days  days  on  bread  and  water;  two  ounces 
of  bread  per  day.  Four  members  lost  their  lives  as  a 
result  of  the  treatment  accorded  them  in  this  fight. 

Many  more  free  speech  fights  have  occurred  since 
the  one  in  Spokane,  the  most  notable  being  that  at 
Fresno,  California.  Here  the  authorities  in  cahoots  with 


22 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


employers  attempted  to  stop  I.  W.  W.  agitation,  which 
was  directed  toward  the  organization  of  the  thousands  of 
unskilled  workers  in  the  San  Joaquin  Valley,  the  fruit 
belt  of  California.  Street  meetings  were  forbidden  in 
Fresno.  The  I.  W.  W.  again  made  use  of  direct 
action”  methods,  and  filled  the  jails  of  that  city  with 
arrested  street  speakers.  The  fight  lasted  for  four 
months,  and  over  100  members  were  in  jail  for  from  two 
to  three  months.  Arrested  members  refused  to  hire 
lawyers,  and  plead  their  own  cases  in  court,  or  used 
some  member  of  the  organization  as  their  ‘ attorney.” 
Finally,  the  organizations  outside  of  Fresno  took  an 
energetic  hold  of  the  fight,  and  organized  a movement  to 
invade  California.”  In  accordance  with  this  plan,  de- 
tachments of  free  speeeh  fighters  started  to  ‘march  on 
Fresno”  from  Spokane,  Portland,  Denver,  St.  Louis  and 
other  sections.  Whereupon  the  Fresno  authorities  de- 
cided that  they  had  enough,  and  surrendered . Freedom 
of  speech  was  completely  re-established  in  Fresno,  and 
the  I.  W.  W.  has  never  since  been  interfered  with. 

A four  months’  strike  of  shoe  workers  occurred  in 
Brooklyn,  New  York  in  the  winter  of  1911.  This  strike 
was  most  stubbornly  contested  on  both  sides,  and  re- 
sulted in  improved  conditions  for  the  workers  in  some 
of  the  shops. 

SOME  OF  THE  STRIKES  OF  1912 

Local  Union  No.  10,  Electrical  Supply  Workers, 
Fremont,  Ohio.  One  strike;  30  men  involved.  Lost 
because  of  inability  to  extend  the  same  and  shut  down 
the  plant. 

Local  Unions  161  and  169,  Textile  and  Shoe  Work- 
ers, Haverhill,  Mass.  Two  strikes  involving  572  mem- 
bers. Lasted  seven  weeks  altogether.  Both  strikes 
successful.  Sixty  members  arrested  and  15  of  them  con- 
victed and  sentenced  to  jail  for  one  to  four  months. 

Local  Union  194,  Clothing  Workers,  Seattle,  Wash. 
Ten  small  strikes  lasting  from  a few  hours  up  to  two 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  23 

months.  All  of  the  strikes  successful  except  one.  Fif- 
teen arrested,  one  conviction,  two  members  held  in  jail 
nine  weeks  for  deportation  finally  released.  Number  of 
workers  involved  not  specified. 

Local  Union  326,  Railroad  Construction  Workers, 
Prince  Rupert,  B.  C,  Two  strikes,  both  of  which  were 
successful ; 2,350  workers  involved  ; 12  members  arrested, 
all  of  whom  were  convicted  and  sentenced  from  six 
months  to  three  years.  This  local  also  assisted  in  win- 
ning a strike  for  unorganized  workers  at  the  Shenna 
Crossing. 

Local  Union  327,  Railroad  Construction  Workers, 
Lytton,  B.  C.  One  strike  lasting  seven  months;  5,000 
involved ; 300  members  arrested ; 200  convicted  and  sen- 
tenced to  from  one  to  six  months.  This  strike  was  called 
off  by  the  local  union  owing  to  the  failure  to  keep  the 
line  tied  up.  The  contractors  were  forced,  however,  to 
improve  wages  and  conditions.  The  work  of  reorganizing 
is  being  carried  on  at  this  time. 

National  Industrial  Union  of  Forest  and  Lumber 
Workers.  Two  strikes,  involving  seven  local  unions  and 
7,000  workers.  One  strike  lasted  two  months  and  the 
other  three  weeks.  No  record  of  the  number  of  mem- 
bers arrested,  but  there  were  several  hundred.  Three 
members  were  convicted  and  sentenced  to  from  one  to 
three  months  in  jail.  The  strikes  were  partially  success- 
ful in  raising  wages  in  the  industry. 

Extending  the  organization  of  the  lumber  workers  in 
the  southern  lumber  districts  involves  a contest  with  the 
employing  class  in  a section  of  the  country  where  the 
employers  have  held  undisputed  sway  since  the  American 
continent  was  first  settled. 

Organizers  are  assaulted  and  killed  by  the  armed  thugs 
of  the  industrial  lords.  The  will  of  the  employing  class 
is  the  law  of  the  land. 

July  7,  1912,  a meeting  held  upon  the  public  road 
at  Grabow,  La.,  was  ambushed  by  the  guards  of  the 
Galloway  Lumber  Co.  Three  men  were  killed  and  40 


24 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


wounded.  Following  this  attack,  A.  L.  Emerson  the 
president  of  the  southern  district  organization  and  64 
members  were  arrested  and  held  for  trial  upon  charges 
of  conspiracy  to  commit  murder.  Emerson  and  nine  of 
the  members  were  tried  and  acquitted  in  spite  of  the 
efforts  of  the  mill  owners  and  lumber  companies  to  rail- 
road them  to  the  penitentiary  or  gallows.  All  others 
were  discharged  from  custody  without  trial. 

Local  Union  436,  Lowell,  Mass.,  Textile  Workers. 
Two  strikes,  one  of  which  resulted  in  victory  and  the 
other  was  lost ; 18,000  involved.  Number  arrested  in 
strikes  26,  all  of  whom  were  convicted  and  sentenced  to 
from  one  to  six  weeks  in  jail. 

Local  Union  557,  Piano  Wo  kers,  Boston,  Mass. 
One  strike;  200  members  involved.  Strike  lasted  five 
weeks  and  was  lost. 

Local  Union  20,  Textile  Workers,  Lawrence,  Mass. 
Five  strikes  involving  29,000  workers;  333  arrested,  320 
of  whom  were  convicted  and  fined  from  $100  down,  and 
to  one  year  in  jail.  Most  of  these  cases,  however,  were 
settled  for  a nominal  fine  on  appeal  to  the  higher  court. 
(For  an  account  of  the  great  Lawrence  strike  and  of  the 
Ettor-Giovannitti  trial  growing  out  of  it,  see  ‘Trial  of  a 
New  Society,”  by  Justus  Ebert.) 

Local  Union  157,  Textile  Workers,  New  Bedford, 
Mass.  Lockout;  13,000  workers  involved.  Number  of 
arrests  not  known. 

In  addition  to  the  above  there  were  other  strikes  of 
smaller  size,  but  the  locals  and  members  involved  in  the 
same  have  not  furnished  the  General  Office  with  any  in- 
formation, so  we  cannot  include  data  concerning  them. 

An  estimate  of  the  amount  of  money  expended  for 
relief  and  other  expenses  incidental  to  handling  strikes 
in  the  year  past  shows  that  $101,504.05  were  expended 
in  handling  strikes  involving  a total  of  75,152  strikers 
and  their  families,  lasting  over  a period  of  74  weeks  in 
the  aggregate.  The  number  arresced  during  that  period 
totaled  1,446;  and  there  were  577  convictions. 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS 


25 


THE  I.  W.  W.  AT  PRESENT 

The  organization  to  date  (l913)  consists  of  three 
National  Industrial  Unions — Textile  Workers,  with  37 
local  unions;  Forest  and  Lumber  Workers, with  48  locals; 
and  Marine  Transport  Workers  with  12  locals — and  195 
local  unions  in  other  industries  affiliated  directly  with 
the  general  organization. 

The  membership  today  consists  almost  wholly  of  un- 
skilled workers.  The  bulk  of  the  present  membership 
is  in  the  following  industries:  Textile,  steel,  lumber, 
mining,  farming  and  railroad  construction.  The  majority 
of  the  workers  in  these  industries — except  the  textile — 
travel  from  place  to  place  following  the  different  seasons 
of  work.  They  are  therefore  out  of  touch  with  the  or- 
ganization for  months  at  a period.  The  paid  up  mem- 
bership of  the  organization  at  this  time  is  30,347.  Due 
to  the  causes  referred  to  above,  this  is  all  of  the  member- 
ship that  keeps  paid  up  on  the  books  at  all  times.  The 
general  office,  however,  has  issued  over  120,000  cards, 
which  is  about  the  number  of  workers  that  are  in  the 
organization  in  good  and  bad  standing. 

The  general  practice  of  exaggerating  the  member- 
ship of  the  organization  is  looked  upon  with  disfavor  in 
the  I.  W.  W.,  as  the  organization  aims  to  have  the  mem- 
bership at  all  tinijs  look  at  all  questions  that  affect  their 
interests  in  their  actual  state.  It  is  absolutely  necessary 
that-  they  do  so  if  they  are  to  be  able  to  judge  their 
strength  and  their  ability  to  accomplish  any  proposed 
undertaking. 

As  will  be  seen,  the  organization  in  the  past  has 
had  a continual  struggle,  not  the  least  of  which  has  been 
the  internal  strife  engendered  by  conflicting  elements 
whose  activity  sprang  from  many  different  motives. 

The  future  of  the  organization  will  be  one  of  greater 
struggles.  We  would  not  have  it  otherwise.  The  inter- 
nal strife  will  no  doubt  be  present  in  the  future  as  in  the 
past.  The  employing  class  are  fully  aware  that  the 


26 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


most  effective  way  of  lessening  the  power  of  the  revolu- 
tionary labor  organization  is  to  keep  it  busy  with  internal 
wrangles. 

As  the  membership  gain  experience  from  actual  con- 
tact with  the  problems  of  their  class  they  will  learn  to 
know  each  other  and  the  internal  wrangles  will  disappear. 
Then  this  weapon  in  the  hands  of  the  employers  will  be- 
come useless,  because  the  membership  will  refuse  to  be 
divided  where  their  class  interests  are  involved. 

The  future  belongs  to  the  I.  W.  W.  The  day  of 
the  skilled  worker  is  passed.  Machine  production  has 
made  the  unskilled  worker  the  main  factor  in  industry. 
Under  modern  industrial  conditions  the  workers  can  no 
longer  act  in  small  groups  with  any  chance  of  success. 
They  must  organize  and  act  as  a class. 

We  are  looking  forward  to  the  time  when  the  organ- 
ized proletariat  will  meet  in  their  union  the  world  over 
and  decide  how  long  they  will  work  and  how  much  of 
the  wealth  they  produce  they  will  give  to  the  boss.” 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS 


27 


Industrial  Union  Manifesto 


Issued  by  Conference  of  Industrial  Unionists  at 
Chicago,  January  2,  3 and  4,  1905 


Social  relations  and  groupings  only  reflect  mechani- 
cal and  industrial  conditions.  The  great  facts  of  present 
industry  are  the  displacement  of  human  skill  by  machines 
and  the  increase  of  capitalist  power  through  concentration 
in  the  possession  of  the  tools  with  which  wealth  is  pro- 
duced and  distributed. 

Because  of  these  facts  trade  divisions  among  laborers 
and  competition  among  capitalists  are  alike  disappearing. 
Class  divisions  grow  ever  more  fixed  and  class  antagonisms 
more  sharp.  Trade  lines  have  been  swallowed  up  in  a 
common  servitude  of  all  workers  to  the  machines  which 
they  tend.  New  machines,  ever  replacing  less  productive 
ones,  wipe  out  whole  trades  and  plunge  new  bodies  of 
workers  into  the  ever-growing  army  of  tradeless,  hopeless 
unemployed.  As  human  beings  and  human  skill  are  dis- 
placed by  mechanical  progress,  the  capitalists  need  use 
the  workers  only  during  that  brief  period  when  muscles 
and  nerve  respond  most  intensely.  The  moment  the 
laborer  no  longer  yields  the  maximum  of  profits  he  is 
thrown  upon  the  scrap  pile,  to  starve  alongside  the  dis- 
carded machine . A dead  line  has  been  drawn,  and  an 
age  limit  established,  to  cross  which,  in  this  world  of 
monopolized  opportunities,  means  condemnation  to  in- 
dustrial death  . 

The  worker,  wholly  separated  from  the  land  and 
the  tools,  with  his  skill  of  craftmanship  rendered  useless, 
is  sunk  in  the  uniform  mass  of  wage  slaves . He  sees 
his  power  of  resistance  broken  by  class  divisions,  per- 
petuated from  outgrown  industrial  stages.  His  wages 


28 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


constantly  grow  less  as  his  hours  grow  longer  and  mono- 
polized prices  grow  higher.  Shifted  hither  and  thither 
by  the  demands  of  profit- takers  the  laborer's  home  no 
longer  exists.  In  this  helpless  condition  he  is  forced  to 
accept  whatever  humiliating  conditions  his  master  may 
impose . He  is  submitted  to  a physical  and  intellectual 
examination  more  searching  than  was  the  chattel  slave 
when  sold  from  the  auction  block.  Laborers  are  no 
longer  classified  by  differences  in  trade  skill,  but  the 
employer  assigns  them  according  to  the  machines  to 
which  they  are  attached . These  divisions,  far  from 
representing  differences  in  skill  or  interests  among  the 
laborers,  are  imposed  by  the  employers  that  workers 
may  be  pitted  against  one  another  and  spurred  to  great- 
er exertion  in  the  shop,  and  that  all  resistance  to  capi- 
talist tyranny  may  be  weakened  by  artificial  distinctions  . 

While  encouraging  these  outgrown  divisions  among 
the  workers  the  capitalists  carefully  adjust  themselves  to 
the  new  conditions.  They  wipe  out  all  differences 
among  themselves  and  present  a united  front  in  their 
war  upon  labor.  Through  employers'  associations,  they 
seek  to  crush,  with  brutal  force,  by  the  injunctions  of 
the  judiciary,  and  the  use  of  military  power,  all  efforts 
at  resistance.  Or  when  the  other  policy  seems  more 
profitable,  they  conceal  their  daggers  beneath  the  Civic 
Federation  and  hoodwink  and  betray  those  whom  they 
would  rule  and  exploit.  Both  methods  depend  for  suc- 
cess upon  the  blindness  and  internal  dissensions  of  the 
working  class.  The  employers'  line  of  battle  and  meth- 
ods of  warfare  correspond  to  the  solidarity  of  the  mecha- 
nical and  industrial  concentration,  while  laborers  still 
form  their  fighting  organizations  on  lines  of  long-gone 
trade  divisions.  The  battles  of  the  past  emphasize  this 
lesson . The  textile  workers  of  Lowell,  Philadelphia 
and  Fall  River;  the  butchers  of  Chicago,  weakened  by 
the  disintegrating  effects  of  trade  divisions;  the  machin- 
ists on  the  Santa  Fe,  unsupported  by  their  fellow-work- 
ers  subject  to  the  same  masters;  the  long-struggling 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  29 

miners  of  Colorado,  hampered  by  lack  of  unity  and  soli- 
darity upon  the  industrial  battlefield,  all  bear  witness  to 
the  helplessness  and  impotency  of  labor  as  at  present 
organized  . 

This  worn-out  and  corrupt  system  offers  no  promise 
of  improvement  and  adaptation  . There  is  no  silver  lin- 
ing to  the  clouds  of  darkness  and  despair  settling  down 
upon  the  world  of  labor . 

This  system  offers  only  a perpetual  struggle  for 
slight  relief  from  wage  slavery . It  is  blind  to  the  possi- 
bility of  establishiug  an  industrial  democracy,  wherein 
there  shall  be  no  wage  slavery,  but  w^here  the  workers 
will  own  the  tools  which  they  operate,  and  the  product 
of  which  they  alone  should  enjoy . 

It  shatters  the  ranks  of  the  workers  into  fragments, 
rendering  them  helpless  and  impotent  on  the  industrial 
battlefield  . 

Separation  of  craft  from  craft  renders  industrial  and 
financial  solidarity  impossible . 

Union  men  scab  upon  union  men ; hatred  of  worker 
for  worker  is  engendered,  and  the  workers  are  delivered 
helpless  and  disintegrated  into  the  hands  of  the  capital- 
ists . 

Craft  jealousy  leads  to  the  attempt  to  create  trade 
monopolies  . 

Prohibitive  initiation  fees  are  established  that  force 
men  to  become  scabs  against  their  will . Men  whom 
manliness  or  circumstances  have  driven  from  one  trade 
are  thereby  fined  when  they  seek  to  transfer  member- 
ship to  the  union  of  a new  craft. 

Craft  divisions  foster  political  ignorance  among  the 
workers,  thus  dividing  their  class  at  the  ballot  box,  as 
well  as  in  the  shop,  mine  and  factory. 

Craft  unions  may  be  and  have  been  used  to  assist 
employers  in  the  establishment  of  monopolies  and  the 
raising  of  prices  . One  set  of  work*  rs  are  thus  used  to 
make  harder  the  conditions  of  life  of  another  body  of 
laborers . 


30 


THE  I.  W.  W. 


Craft  divisions  hinder  the  growth  of  class  conscious- 
ness of  the  workers,  foster  the  idea  of  harmony  of  in- 
terests between  employing  exploiter  and  employed  slave  . 
They  permit  the  association  of  the  misleaders  of  the 
workers  with  the  capitalists  in  the  Civic  Federations, 
where  plans  are  made  for  the  perpetuation  of  capitalism, 
and  the  permanent  enslavement  of  the  workers  through 
the  wage  system . 

Previous  efforts  for  the  betterment  of  the  working 
class  have  proven  abortive  because  limited  in  scope  and 
disconnected  in  action . 

Universal  economic  evils  afflicting  the  working  class 
can  be  eradicated  only  by  a -universal  working  class 
movement.  Such  a movement  of  the  working  class  is 
impossible  while  separate  craft  and  wage  agreements  are 
made  favoring  the  employer  against  other  crafts  in  the 
same  industry,  and  while  energies  are  wasted  in  fruitless 
jurisdiction  struggles  which  serve  only  to  further  the 
personal  aggrandizement  of  union  officials  . 

A movement  to  fulfill  these  conditions  must  consist 
of  one  great  industrial  union  embracing  all  industries — 
providing  lor  craft  autonomy  locally,  industrial  autonomy 
internationally,  and  working  class  unity  generally . 

It  must  be  founded  on  the  class  struggle,  and  its 
general  administration  must  be  conducted  in  harmony 
with  the  recognition  of  the  irrepressible  conflict  between 
the  capitalist  class  and  the  working  class  . 

It  should  be  established  as  the  economic  organiza- 
tion of  the  working  class,  without  affiliation  with  any 
political  party. 

All  power  should  rest  in  a collective  membership. 

Local,  national  and  general  administration,  includ- 
ing union  labels,  buttons,  badges,  transfer  cards,  initia- 
tion fees  and  per  capita  tax  should  be  uniform  through- 
out . 

All  members  must  hold  membership  in  the  local, 
national  or  international  union  covering  the  industry 
in  which  they  are  employed,  but  transfers  of  member- 


HISTORY,  STRUCTURE  AND  METHODS  31 

ship  between  unions,  local,  national  or  international, 
should  be  universal . 

Workingmen  bringing  union  cards  from  industrial 
unions  in  foreign  countries  should  be  freely  admitted  in- 
to the  organization. 

The  general  administration  should  issue  a publica- 
tion representing  the  entire  union  and  its  principles 
which  should  reach  all  members  in  every  industry  at 
regular  intervals. 

A central  defense  fund,  to  which  all  members  con- 
tribute equally,  should  be  established  and  maintained . 

All  workers,  therefore,  who  agree  with  the  princi- 
ples herein  set  forth,  will  meet  in  convention  at  Chicago 
the  27th  day  of  June,  1905,  for  the  purpose  of  forming 
an  economic  organization  of  the  working  class  along  the 
lines  marked  out  in  this  manifesto. 


ooog^-oo 


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and  Emile  Pouget,  Editor  of  the  Official  Organ  of  the  General 
Confederation  of  Labor  of  France.  This  book  is  the  result  of  a 
series  of  questions  sent  out  by  the  General  Confederation  to  all 
members  asking  them  to  give  their  conception  as  to  how  the 
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